Blog
Marjoke Oosterom (Institute of Development Studies, UK) carries out her PhD research on the effects of conflict and displacement on citizen participation and local governance in Northern Uganda. In 2010, she is doing her field research in several villages in Kitgum and Apac districts. In this blog she tells about her experiences in the field and reflects on issues in the country.
The Acholi sub-region and bordering districts experienced extremely violent activities and abductions by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) for 20 years. A vast majority of the population was displaced and lived in IDP camps. Since 2 years ago, Northern Uganda is stable and people have almost all returned home. Local governments are resuming their functions. Both the people and the local government officials face tremendous challenges in the recovery process. This study will focus on the consequences for both citizens and local institutions, tracing how memories of the conflict are carried into the present. The research is supported by Hivos and ICCO.
On Monday the 30th of August, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) held its primary elections. The NRM is the ruling party, led by President Museveni. All over the country, NRM members elected their candidates for local government (sub-county and district levels) and the members of parliament (MP), who will stand for office in the national elections in 2011.I followed the elections closely in Lamwo district, where I carry out my field research. Whereas most of the northern region Acholi is supporting the opposition parties, Lamwo seems to be an exception. The majority of the people seems to support the NRM. But do they really?Apparently NRM’s popularity stems from the MP that comes from this district; Mr. Hilary Onek, also in the NRM party. He stood unopposed, so will be the NRM candidate for MP in next year’s elections. After spending a few days in the villages other reasons for ‘supporting’ the party came to the surface.On the 28th I hang around the meeting ground where candidat...
It has been 2 months since I’ve last been in Kampala. I arrive at one of my favourite coffee cafés in town to meet a friend. Since I haven’t seen him in a while I rush in, looking for his face in the crowd. But suddenly I feel I am being pulled back. I look down and see the hem of my coat caught in the hand of a lady dressed in dark blue camouflage. In her other hand she holds a gun...I suppose the dark blue means it is a uniform and that she is a security officer. So, I am not being robbed in front of a popular place in town – though she pulling me back a bit rude. Also, I am somewhat surprised, because I am quite certain there was no security last time I was here. She points at my bag. I guess it has to be opened for her to take a look. She then points at the table. So I guess my bag has to go there...? Why can’t she just say hello and ask me – or tell me even – what I am supposed to do? She first scans my clothes for any hidden weapons. Legs wide, arms open. Then she checks by ba...
One of the issues I am interested in is how a village community perceives its local leaders. Well, an ordinary person has quite a number of leaders. Each of them deals with various issues, has different sources of legitimacy and authority, and is thus woven into different webs of relations. There are cultural leaders heading farmers’ groups, dealing with land issues and cattle. There are the elders and clan leaders, who gain authority by simply getting older or heritage. There are women representatives, youth representative and representatives of people with disabilities; elected by their respective target groups. And of course the leaders that are part of the formal government system at the level of the village, parish, sub-county and district level, elected by universal adult suffrage. In the village, people hardly talk about their leaders beyond the sub-county level, since they are quite distant to people’s local life. They generally refer to district level as ‘those above’.A str...
These weeks I spent every day in the villages of one parish in Kitgum district. Already a routine evolved; in the mornings my two research assistants Joyce and George meet me at the gate. George comes by boda boda, his motorcycle. Soon Michal joins us with his boda boda. And off we go, the gentlemen ride the boda and the ladies sit at the back. The road is dusty, the air is dry – the soil is eagerly waiting for rainy season. It takes about an hour to reach the villages where we carry out the field research. We move over tiny sandy roads, frequently trough some thorny bushes.
When we reach the village, we first meet the village head; the Local Council 1 chair person (LC1) to introduce ourselves. We then talk to individuals or organise groups of 5 men or women for focus groups.
We stay around all day, interviewing or hanging around a bit talking to youth. (I wish ‘hanging around’ was an official research method, because it really helps to get a lot of information). We make sure we...
When Museveni and his National Resistance Army (NRA) took power in 1986, northern Ugandan suffered various rebellions. All groups were stopped in a few years, apart from the Lord’s Resistance Army of Joseph Kony that would cause insecurity for the next 20 years. In the words of one villager in Kitgum district ‘since the new government came, we have not had peace of mind up to now.’From 1986-1987, the NRA started rolling out the system of Resistance Councils all over Uganda. This formed the basis of the new local government structure. In Northern Uganda, it was not easy to establish this system due to on-going rebellion. People were reluctant to elect people in the Resistance Councils, as they were targeted by especially the LRA. The LRA perceived the RCs as arms of government, as collaborators and therefore disloyal Acholi. When I talk to people that had been in the first Resistance Councils, they tell me how they would sleep in the bush to hide themselves. They would never keep the...
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